Political Index Feature

2012: Atupele’s new dawn, but…

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Two decades ago, it looked improbable that 34-year-old Atupele Muluzi, who MIJ Radio satirist Bwande calls ‘baby’, would be on the same ballot paper as recycled politicians in 2014.

Just in 2009, Atupele Muluzi only contested for his Machinga North East parliamentary seat while his father Bakili Muluzi, Malawi’s former president, was bidding to bounce back to presidency despite serving the constitutionally acceptable maximum of 10 years. Arithmetic shows the son of the former president will be just old enough for the highest job when Malawians go to polls in May 2014.

To journalists looking for sensational stories, youthful Atupele’s quest for the country’s presidency and United Democratic Front (UDF) presidency is a case of ‘like father like son’ and a gift that keeps giving.

Hardly a week passed without pronouncements from critics who perceive him as the poster face of the former leader’s grand scheme to restore his rule or condemnation from Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) who viewed him as a threat to their plans to pitch Peter Mutharika as the heir to his brother, fallen president Bingu wa Mutharika.

However, the ultimate headlines reeled in quick succession early this year.

Just a month before Mutharika’s death on April 5, Atupele was jailed for holding a rally without a permit from Lilongwe District Council, something Muluzi senior described as politically motivated to silence critical voices on the deceased’s dictatorial tendencies.

Two months later, Mutharika’s successor, President Joyce Banda (JB), appointed Atupele minister of Economic Planning and Development—a move political analyst Blessings Chinsinga termed a blessing in disguise, a chance to gain experience and boost his political profile ahead of 2014.

Despite being quoted as saying his agenda for change was never meant for his presidential expedition, but the good of the nation, the UDF leader became the second minister to resign from Cabinet since the restoration of democracy in 1994, thanks to “appalling and mortifying” public comments uttered by ruling People’s Party (PP) leaders in his father’s stronghold: Mangochi.

To political scientist Joseph Chunga, Atupele’s resignation weakened PP and strengthened democracy prior to the oncoming presidential elections.

Although Chinsinga dubbed it “a calculated move to pave the way for Atupele’s campaign”, some critics say it exposes a state of indecision typical of political rookies.

Atupele’s competitors have seized the hinted lack of requisite experience to denigrate his political ambition.

Yet, his rallies continue to attract huge crowds everywhere he goes. The numbers could be a signal of his popularity and the electorates’ willingness to hear what potential presidential candidates have in store for the country.

Typical of his relaunched agenda for change, Atupele has travelled across the country calling for the change Malawians need, positioning himself as Malawi’s Obama (as he likens himself to US president Barack Obama).

Yes, we can. This is the confidence with which Atupele delivers his agenda which he defines as a “mission for transformational change” in an era Chinsinga and the Public Affairs Committee (PAC) find the country “lacking transformational leadership”.

“In order to develop, there is need for change of mindset in our politics, our parties and the way government delivers essential services, such as education, job creation, healthcare facilities and security,” argues Atupele.

Looking back, he says the year 2012 was tough, complex and unpredictable—one full of surprises as well as twists and turns.

“Apart from the death of our president Mutharika, the country has gone through tough economic challenges. For me, it was quite a difficult year because I was arrested and thrown in jail only to become a Cabinet minister few months later,” he says.

Looking forward, he promised to continue working hard to win back the people’s trust “because respect is earned and the electorate are the masters no politician should take for granted.”

So soft-spoken has been Atupele that he has become an exemplar of clean politics even to recycled politicians who often deride each other, instead of articulating issues to help Malawians make informed decisions.

However, he has failed to clearly define his agenda for change beyond the promise to economically empower Malawians by creating more jobs. JB, who visited him at Maula Prison in Lilongwe, might have endorsed the agenda for new dawn by making him minister of Economic Planning and Development.

Unfortunately, the task coincided with the ongoing economic crisis which threatens existing jobs and puts to test the job creation jazz of the minister who presided over the making of an economic recovery plan which sidelined government’s unassailable business and employment partner: the private sector.

This does not add merit to the youthful politician who was implicated in charges of abuse of office after being spotted using his father’s security detail—a cost on the taxpayers—for his political campaign.

Atupele might be entitled to his father’s benefits and he certainly has the right to vie for any political office, but tendencies that portray him as his father’s plant could be his undoing, for history is clear that the former president’s hunger for power did not die with the foiled third term campaign in 2002.

Still, one thing is clear when it comes to Atupele’s chances: Love him or hate him, the so-called inexperienced politician is a candidate to watch in 2013—and the outcome of 2014 elections depend on the numbers he gets, especially the youth who identify with him in 2013. n

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