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Chakwera’s political capital eroding

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Less than two years into his term, the high expectations of President Lazarus Chakwera are fast fading. Lack of political clout and decisiveness sees the President falling foul of Malawian public opinion, writes Institute for Security Studies (ISS) Consultant PETER FABRICUIUS.

President Lazarus Chakwera came to office in 2020 on a wave of popular goodwill and high expectations.

Chakwera sacked Kambala, Msukwa and Kandodo from Cabinet to salvage his anti-corruption war

Five High Court judges sitting in the Constitutional Court had courageously annulled the narrow re-election of his predecessor, Peter Mutharika, on the grounds that his victory had been blatantly rigged. The court case panned out alongside popular protests by Malawians demanding electoral justice.

But now, less than two years on, Chakwera—the President with the unlikely voice and demeanour of a Martin Luther King—is losing popular support fast.

Promising much, he has delivered too little and has disappointed many, particularly over corruption, nepotism and fighting grinding poverty.

Chakwera last week dismissed and rearranged his Cabinet following street protests and deputations from civil society leaders accusing him of favouritism and neglecting high-level corruption.

The demonstrations were sparked when he fired Minister of Energy Newton Kambala to answer corruption charges while seemingly protecting his Lands’ counterpart Kezzie Msukwa, now sacked from the reshuffled Cabinet.

Three days after dissolving Cabinet, Chakwera appointed eight new members of Cabinet and several old-timers accused of failing to meet the aspirations of Malawians who wanted change.

Some local commentators dismissed the grand gesture of firing the whole Cabinet as a ‘publicity stunt’. But that seems to be the way they do Cabinet reshuffles in the country.

Chakwera had already signalled that one of those who would not be returning to Cabinet was Msukwa, who was arrested by the Anti-Corruption Bureau (ACB) on December 30 2021 after the detention of Ashok Nair, a Malawian associate of British businessman Zuneth Sattar.

Msukwa allegedly received K23 million and a Mercedes-Benz from Sattar, who was arrested by the British National Crime Agency in October.

And indeed, Chakwera announced Samuel Kawale as Msukwa’s replacement on Thursday. This was a welcome step, though it is too early for a full assessment.

Chakwera’s problems were aggravated by simmering tensions within the ruling Tonse Alliance, mainly between his Malawi Congress Party (MCP) and Vice-President Saulos Chilima’s UTM Party. The alliance also includes seven smaller parties.

Soon after their joint victory in the 2020 repeat presidential poll, the two parties had opposed each other in by-elections. A member of the alliance told ISS Today that its members were supposed to meet at least twice a month, but had not done so for several months.

A week before the Cabinet reshuffle, Chakwera had a robust meeting with a delegation from the Public Affairs Committee (PAC)—a faith-based coalition of civil society organisations that offered a blunt criticism of the failings of his government.

After praising the President for his openness to dialogue and accountability, PAC chairperson Patrick Thawale quickly cut to the chase.

He rebuked Chakwera’s “contradictions” after the President fired Labour minister Ken Kandodo for abuse of office and Kambala for corruption allegations in 2021, but failed to dismiss Msukwa, who was also implicated in graft.

This “selective justice … cast doubt on your political will to deal with corruption in Malawi,” Thawale said.

He reminded Chakwera that he had reneged on a promise to reshuffle the Cabinet by the end of 2021, noting that his ministers were mere “spectators” to governance and many lacked “gravitas and influence”.

Keeping them in office, warned the Catholic priest, “continues to erode trust that was bestowed upon you.”

Thawale also accused Chakwera of nepotism. The PAC chairperson said that because of the employment of the president’s daughter and son-in-law by the Malawi High Commission in London, “the public will never trust you … Your moral standing becomes diluted”.

The suffering of ordinary Malawians caused by Covid-19 was also raised by Thawale, who told Chakwera “the administration lacks direction on the mitigation of economic hardship.” He went on to criticise the performance of the secretary to the president and Cabinet and called on Chakwera to reshuffle the Cabinet within three months and appoint competent people in these top positions.

A day later, the Catholic Archbishop Thomas Msusa and several bishops of the Episcopal Conference of Malawi (ECM) issued a similar statement, though far less frank.

The conference of local bishops lamented that “the cancer of corruption sadly now embedded in Malawi is largely responsible for keeping the country very poor and under-developed.”

A prominent member of the Tonse Alliance noted ominously this week that these were the same organisations that were “instrumental in bringing down founding president Hastings Kamuzu Banda.”. The dictatorial first leader of independent Malawi was pressured to allow multiparty democracy and leave office in 1992, ending his 31-year draconian rule blighted by repressive attacks on his perceived critics.

Whether or not he acted in response to the PAC and ECM demands, Chakwera fired his whole Cabinet just a few days later.

And although the reshuffle of ministers seems a step in the right direction, it is not yet clear if it will placate his critics.

Expectations of him — once so high — are now rather low.

“There is little expectation of major change,” says a veteran political journalist who requested anonymity.

Ringisai Chikohomero, a researcher at the Institute for Security Studies in Pretoria, says Chakwera’s somewhat incongruous American image now looks like a politician out of touch with Malawian politics.

“He has failed to demonstrate political astuteness as a statesman capable of rising to the occasion. He promised to clean up government, restore fiscal discipline and reform the civil service. That has not happened yet,” said the researcher.

Chikohomero believes this is not so much because of a lack of integrity, but because Chakwera lacks the political clout and decisiveness to deal with Malawi’s power brokers.

As a result, he has felt obliged to dispense patronage to his large coalition instead of appointing a cabinet of technocrats.

That might start to change. It would be bad for Malawi if, after all the national trauma of electing him, he were to go the way of another well-intentioned reformer, Joyce Banda, whose administration unravelled under the pressure of badly managed corruption.—ISS Today

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